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Unlike so many modern politicians, Angela Merkel does not believe in placing her private life on public display. We know she likes to bake plum cakes, does her own shopping, enjoys the odd Wagner concert and sometimes goes hiking with her second husband.

But beyond this, she gives little away in interviews. Perhaps she declines to talk about herself because from a young age she has always worked so ferociously hard to achieve her ambitions.

Her drive and determination have, after all, taken her from a difficult background under a depressing dictatorship to becoming the dominant figure in Europe and the world’s most powerful woman.

Always No. 1: Angela Merkel aged three, before her rise to power as one of the most influential figures in world politics

Always No. 1: Angela Merkel aged three, before her rise to power as one of the most influential figures in world politics;

There is, however, one anecdote she likes to tell interviewers. Twenty-one years ago, she applied for a job in the German government press office, but did not get it — a rare setback. A medical examination revealed that she suffered from high blood pressure, so her application was rejected since it was felt the stresses of the job might be too much.

Instead, she chose to become a politician, and was elected to Germany’s reunified parliament later that year. It was the launchpad for a stellar career which saw her leading her party within a decade and her nation five years after that.

‘I have to watch my blood pressure a bit,’ she told a television chat show host last month, recounting the story once again. ‘Since then, I’ve been getting good medical treatment.’

This is just as well, given the stresses Merkel now finds herself under. For all that she has achieved already in her life, she knows she will be defined in history by how she grapples with the crisis consuming her continent. (This week, the German economy came under pressure when a sale of its government bonds was heavily undersubscribed.)

Thus we find Mrs Merkel, raised under communism, fighting to salvage capitalism and walking an almost impossible tightrope amid wildly conflicting economic, political and social concerns.

So what do her fellow Germans make of her?

University professor Wolfgang Stock, her biographer, says: ‘No one loves her, no one adores her, but she is very well-respected.’ Others are more sceptical about Merkel’s ruthless pursuit of power. ‘She is like Tony Blair, but without the principles,’ remarks one party critic with biting irony.

To best understand the ‘Iron Frau’, you must travel to a small town of 13,000 inhabitants called Templin in the former East Germany.


Rise to the top: Merkel pictured in 2002 at the monastery in Andechs, Germany, three years before she became Chancellor

UTAZANI MCHAGGA VILE" MBUTA NANGA!! Rise to the top: Merkel pictured in 2002 at the monastery in Andechs, Germany, three years before she became Chancellor;

It lies just over an hour’s drive north of vibrant Berlin through flat fields, beech forests and dour villages that still betray their communist heritage, especially on a grey day in late November.

This is the place to which a protestant pastor named Horst Kasner moved in 1957 when his daughter Angela was three. It is where she still has a home even now she leads her nation, a weekend retreat hidden in the woods, and where she came to bury her father a few weeks ago.

Just as 57-year-old Merkel’s life story might stand as a metaphor for the success of German reunification, so her spruced-up home town with its cobbled streets, colourful buildings and cosy cafes reflects the transformation of the once-blighted heartland of a miserable experiment in socialism.

Like other towns in the region, it is working hard to attract visitors, presenting a cheery face as the self-proclaimed ‘pearl’ of the Uckermark, an agricultural region once scarred by collectivised farming.


The German Chancellor came from a difficult background to establish herself as one of the most powerful women in world politics

The German Chancellor came from a difficult background to establish herself as one of the most powerful women in world politics;

The former Friedrich Engels Workers’ Hostel — named after the German philosopher — is now a plush lakeside hotel, while there is even an American wild west theme park, something that would surely have shocked the Stasi, the East German secret police.

Speaking to Merkel’s friends, colleagues and critics this week, they all agreed that two factors in particular lie behind her success — a childhood growing up under a despotic regime, and her training as a scientist.

Claudia Crawford, a former cabinet colleague who was also raised in East Germany, says: ‘I know what it is like to grow up in an undemocratic system, something so stupid that you are not allowed to read the books or listen to the music you want to. That’s why I got engaged in politics — and the same is true of Angela.’

Merkel’s father’s move was highly unusual in that he left the thriving West German city of Hamburg to run a home for mentally disabled children in an East German town still in ruins from wartime bombing, with streets made of sand and few cars. When the Berlin Wall was built four years later, her mother — a teacher of English — sat crying in church, while her Left-leaning father was said to have felt liberated.

It remains unclear how much he colluded with the communist regime, but while the authorities in the atheist state viewed protestants with suspicion, because he was a pastor his family were allowed to watch Western TV and read Western newspapers. They even played Monopoly, the ultimate capitalist board game.

Kasner, a cold and distant father by all accounts — Angela had a younger brother and sister — drove his daughter hard, constantly telling her she had to do better than the other pupils at Templin’s local school.

As a result, Merkel ensured she was always top of the class. She even learned Russian, the language of the oppressors, showing such dedication that she won a regional prize of a trip to Moscow. She was also a member of the socialist group the Free German Youth, for whom she organised excursions.



'When her first marriage fell apart she lived in a squat'

‘Whenever she is doing something, she wants to be number one,’ says Gerd Langguth, a professor of political science and another biographer of Merkel. ‘She will always be better informed than anyone else — and now, of course, she is number one in Europe.’

Colleagues in Berlin testify that this intense work ethic, drummed into her during childhood, remains in place today. One minister complained to friends of his boredom at a recent meeting on health as she picked endlessly through minor matters in a proposed bill.

Growing up in a country where children were expected to inform on their parents if they felt they were somehow defying the authorities — and where a word out of place could wreck lives — Merkel learned like millions of others to keep her thoughts hidden.

She has talked of leading a double existence in her youth, only speaking openly in the sanctuary of her home.

This ability to hide her mind, combined with her unthreatening manner, enabled her to build a career as a scientist without joining the ruling communist party after studying physics at Leipzig University.

During her student days she worked part-time as a waitress in a disco, then met and, at the age of 23 in 1977, married Ulrich Merkel, a fellow physics student. Afterwards, they moved to Berlin, but their relationship soon fell apart and she moved into a squat.

Support: With scientist husband Joachim in July 2008

Support: With scientist husband Joachim in July 2008

‘It sounds stupid, but I didn’t go into the marriage with the necessary amount of seriousness,’ Merkel said later.

By the time of their divorce in 1982 she had already met the man who would become her second husband, an equally studious chemist and fellow divorcee with two sons called Joachim Sauer.

As the Cold War began to thaw, she was settled into academic life at the Academy of Sciences in East Berlin. Her first political experience came at the age of 35 when she joined a civil rights’ group four weeks before the Berlin Wall came down.

‘Always the pragmatist, she joined when there was no danger,’ says Langguth tartly. When this group became subsumed in the Christian Democrat Union, the conservative party of Chancellor Helmut Kohl, she joined also.

Kohl, the boorish father of reunification, met Merkel at a party conference the year after the wall fell.

He instantly spotted her potential as a young protestant woman from the East, untainted by communism, who could increase the appeal of a party with Catholic roots to the newly-liberated eastern electorate.

He became her mentor, promoting her rapidly through government and party ranks in a relationship that benefited both of them.

But like so many power barons in German politics, he fell for that unassuming exterior, even patronisingly calling her das madchen (‘my girl’). Then came the moment that made Merkel, revealing both audacity and brutality.

Kohl was caught in a scandal over a political slush fund 11 years ago — and while party rivals dithered over their response, his protegee wrote a front-page article in Germany’s leading conservative paper demanding his resignation.


Powerful allies: Since becoming Chancellor in 2005, The 'Iron Frau', seen here with David Cameron in October last year, has consolidated her hold on power in both her party and Germany
Powerful allies: Since becoming Chancellor in 2005, The 'Iron Frau', seen here with David Cameron in October last year, has consolidated her hold on power in;

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